Many Korean immigrants have recently found themselves in the Korean American Resource and Cultural Center taking classes in—what else?—Spanish. People like Sue Choe, who owns a laundromat in Koreatown, see many reasons to learn the language that many of her customers speak.
Aware of an ugly history between Korean-Americans and African-Americans–one that erupted into violence in some cities in the 1990s–Korean business owners are trying to soothe mutual suspicions with Spanish-speaking workers and customers. The effort is mostly born of an increasingly interdependent employer-employee relationship.
It is just one of the ways in which new waves of immigration and intermigration between neighborhoods is fast changing the city, mixing new combinations of ethnic groups together and forcing them to search for ways to coexist as so many previous generations of immigrants did.
Beginning a community dialogue is important, especially recalling the 1992 race riots in Los Angeles. It’s also important because Koreans and Hispanics don’t just live in the same communities, they work together too. Hispanics have become the primary labor pool for Korean business owners, and cultural differences have erupted in the workplace.
Latino workers, many earning less than the minimum wage, complain that their Korean bosses neglect to pay overtime and are often callous about days off or job-related injuries.
In turn Korean owners, at times unfamiliar with U.S. labor laws, see ingratitude and disloyalty in their employees’ complaints. They argue that their up-from-the-ground businesses are a team effort that also has the owners working long hours.
Disputes have hurt both sides. Learning to understand the cultures around you (and their languages) is a great start. Read the full Chicago Tribune article about this issue here.
Want to learn the languages spoken in your neighborhood? Visit MultilingualChicago.com to learn about language classes and workshops in your area!
A labor group surveyed restaurants in Chicago and found significant segregation between front-of-house workers (waiters, hosts) and back-of-house staff (busboys, dishwashers). The study “found that nearly 80 percent of whites work in the front, nearly two-thirds of Latinos in the back.”
To those of us who have worked in the restaurant business this doesn’t seem like news at all – the discrimination is all too prevalent. Common all over Chicago’s pubs and steakhouses, we see that “taking the order or seating the clients is the girl next door or a suave older man, most likely white, while a cadre of young Mexican men construct the meal behind the scenes.”
Taking the issue to task, the Restaurant Opportunities Center of Chicago teamed with the Working Hands Legal Clinic to file a federal lawsuit against one Andersonville eatery, claiming that the establishment mistreated its kitchen staff. McCormick and Schmicks’ chain just settled a $1.1 claim from black employees who said they weren’t considered for hosts and servers.
But in the restaurants’ defense, aren’t they hiring based on a special skill set required for that position, not based on race? For example, knowledge of food and wine pairings or simply communicating a food order in English.
I would argue that while restaurants don’t always discriminate blatantly, they rarely train or promote their current back-of-house staff. Wouldn’t a restaurant get better long-term results from a staffer with a long employment history at the restaurant, happy to be promoted, than a new hire? Busboy to server would be the perfect transition, for example.
To read the full report in the Chicago Tribune, click here.
While Latinos make up more than a third of the Texan workforce, they earn 35% less than their white counterparts, reports the Texan Tribune.
On average, they earn about $11.50 per hour, compared to $17.90 for non-Hispanic whites. The gap is larger here than in the rest of the country: Outside of Texas, Latinos earn $12.42, while their Anglo counterparts earn about $17.55.
Regardless of skill, Latinos were responsible for most of the expansion in the state’s labor pool since the mid-1990s and have been a boon to the state’s economy. “The Latino population’s increase transformed Texas’ labor force and led to faster economic growth,” the report says. “Latinos accounted for 76 percent of the state’s labor force growth between 1994 and 2008.”
One factor that may account for the discrepancy is the education gap. 40% of Latinos age 25 or older didn’t graduate from high school, compared to 5% of whites. However, some educators say that cultural and economic factors often trump the importance of going to school; the responsibility to take care of one’s family has an impact on dropout rates.
Read more about the Latino pay gap here, in the Texan Tribune.
Nine years ago, over 12,000 Hispanic farmers sought to put an end to discrimination with a class-action lawsuit against the U.S. federal government. To this day, they’re still waiting for a resolution.
Their hope was that the suit would change the way the U.S. Department of Agriculture treats minority farmers. Hispanic farmers with claims against the government petitioned for class-action status, which they have not yet been awarded. Without it, each farmer has to litigate his own case individually, all over the nation.
“It makes no sense from a legal, logical or moral standpoint,” [farmers’ attorney Stephen] Hill said.
“There are lots of farmers who could lose what are otherwise valid claims, and I guess in the governments’ view they see that as money being saved. But saved at an incredible cost of what is equitable and fair.”
Families like the Chavez’s believe they were discriminated against and have lost much of their farm as a result. The family was unable to get low-interest loans from the USDA, and they say that they were discouraged from applying or given misinformation. “It was like they just didn’t want us to have the money,” said Vera Chavez.
The USDA has reported special efforts to promote civil rights and end discriminatory practices. They are reviewing farmers’ complaints by a special task force. Meanwhile, thousands of farmers wait their turn in this drawn-out case.
A hotel owner in Taos, Texas recently asked that all his Hispanic employees “shorten” their names to something a little more “American.” According to an article posted by Asylum, the new boss mandated the following upon his takeover:
1. No speaking Spanish in front of the boss.
2. Everyone’s fired and has to re-apply for their jobs.
3. It’s “strongly suggested” that employees shorten their long, silly Spanish names. (”Who has the time to say ‘Marcos?’ Why not Mark or Bill?” That’s actually a real example.)
Roberto Ruiz of the San Antonio Public Policy Examiner sees this as a strong case against America’s declaration as of late that we live in a “post-racial” society. He also points out that Hispanics make up the majority population in Taos.
It usually comes as a surprise to people when I mention that our republic does not have an “official language.” Wisely, this nation’s founders decided not to declare an official language, their reasons included “a belief in tolerance for linguistic diversity within the population, the economic and social value of foreign language knowledge and citizenry, and a desire not to restrict the linguistic and cultural freedom of those living in the new country.”
In a previous blog post, “What’s in a Hispanic name,” we’ve looked at the Hispanic naming system and how it is often confused in the United States, resulting in a loss of culture and identity for many Hispanic Americans (click here to go to the post).
More than 400,000 children work on farms nationwide, making up about 20% of the U.S. farm workforce. The Association of Farmworker Opportunity Program wants to put a end the exploitation of migrant child workers. Their first stop: North Carolina.
The Children in the Fields campaign is working to build grassroots support in North Carolina and four other key states to combat the exploitation of U.S farm worker children.
“This state (North Carolina) has thousands of migrants in the fields and is an area with a lot of agricultural activity, where the problem of children working in dangerous conditions is very large and growing,” [regional coordinator Emily] Drakage told EFE Thursday.
Children are permitted to accompany their parents in the fields at the age of 12, and by the age of 14 can work hours that do not interfere with the school day. No child under the age of 16 can perform any “dangerous” activities, as defined by the Department of Labor.
However, kids as young as 6-years-old have been found laboring in the fields for 12 hours a day, around plants “treated with pesticides, in extreme weather conditions and surrounded by machinery with sharp blades.”
In addition to the dangerous conditions, migrant worker children also face linguistic barriers due to missing school and educational growth.
Brigido Oregon, a West Michigan migrant farm worker from Texas, was chained, jailed and threatened with deportation for 17 days, all while pleading his innocence. Oregon is in fact a legal citizen of the United States, but immigration officials didn’t believe him.
Oregon shared his story at a public hearing for the Michigan Civil Rights Commission in August. The Commission intends to bring to light violations against farm workers, which are unfortunately commonplace.
The state agency’s intent is to make it easier for farm workers to file complaints, said civil rights’ commission chairman Matthew Wesaw. The commission also plans to issue a public report on it’s findings in October — the first time in 40 years that the commission has conducted a study on farm worker violations, said Wesaw.
“What we’re seeing is that things aren’t just the same, they’re worse than ever before,” Wesaw told approximately 70 people gathered at the GVSU meeting.
State civil rights officials are investigating several reports of poor living conditions and employers not paying promised wages. Some farm workers have reported being threatened with deportation if they complained about conditions or treatment.
Low-wage workers are consistently denied proper payment—some paid less than minimum wage, and some not compensated for overtime—a new study found. 68% of workers interviewed in New York, Los Angeles and Chicago reported a pay-related violation in the previous week.
The New York Times reports that the study’s authors were surprised by the prevalence of the violation.
“The conventional wisdom has been that to the extent there were violations, it was confined to a few rogue employers or to especially disadvantaged workers, like undocumented immigrants,” said Nik Theodore, an author of the study and a professor of urban planning and policy at the University of Illinois, Chicago. “What our study shows is that this is a widespread phenomenon across the low-wage labor market in the United States.”
Also surprising is the extent to which the bad practice affects women and especially immigrant workers. African-Americans had a violation rate almost triple that of whites.
The report brings up the fact that employers often discourage workers from filing workers’ compensation for missed days and medical care: only 8% of workers who suffered injuries on the job did so.
Low-wage workers take a 15% hit to their salaries due to these violations, but the economy suffers too:
“These practices are not just morally reprehensible, but they’re bad for the economy,” said Annette Bernhardt, an author of the study and policy co-director of the National Employment Law Project. “When unscrupulous employers break the law, they’re robbing families of money to put food on the table, they’re robbing communities of spending power and they’re robbing governments of vital tax revenues.”
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported a 17% drop in Hispanic fatalities between 2008 and the year before, from 937 to 774 deaths. CNN reports:
Since records began being collected in 1992, statistics have shown that Hispanic workers are killed in the workplace at a higher rate than other ethnic or racial groups.
In 2001, the disparity was the most striking. Hispanics suffered fatal injuries at a rate of 6 out of 100,000 workers that year, while the rates for white and black workers were 4.2 and 3.8, respectively.
The statistics released Thursday show the gap is closing.
The gap may be closing somewhat, but the drop is probably related more to the poor economy and lack of work than an improvement in conditions. “I think we will see an increase when activity picks up,” said Teresa Molina, president of the board of directors of Sunflower Community Action in Wichita, Kansas.
Lack of understanding safety issues because of the language barrier, as well as exploitation (workers not being provided proper safety tools, and being overworked) are factors that contribute to the disproportionate rates of injuries and fatalities of Hispanics on the job.
New Bedford, MA believes that their community will succeed when immigrants have more opportunities in the workplace. Local business and civic leaders have launched an initiative called English Works Campaign that helps to eliminate the long waiting lists for English classes.
Anthony R. Sapienza, president of Abboud, a New Bedford manufacturer of men’s clothing, believes proficiency in English helps businesses and opens up more job opportunities to the workers.
Business leaders like Sapienza have seen the effects of workers learning English on the job. Workers can better understand their duties and communicate with management, creating a more productive workforce and local economy.
Sapienza says English skills increase efficiency, reduce errors, and improve employee retention. Immigrants can also feel more integrated into their new communities, and can better help their children who are growing up in English-speaking schools.
Manufacturing emphasizes these days an approach known as “lean manufacturing,” which involves teamwork. This type of collaboration is not possible with “15 different people speaking 15 different languages,” Sapienza said.
Beyond that, there are jobs requiring customer service or computer skills, where it helps to speak English, he said.
Learn more about what New Bedford is doing to improve its community and workplaces here.
Many Korean immigrants have recently found themselves in the Korean American Resource and Cultural Center taking classes in—what else?—Spanish. People like Sue Choe, who owns a laundromat in Koreatown, see many reasons to learn the language that many of her customers speak.
While Latinos make up more than a third of the Texan workforce, they earn 35% less than their white counterparts, reports the Texan Tribune.
Nine years ago, over 12,000 Hispanic farmers sought to put an end to discrimination with a class-action lawsuit against the U.S. federal government. To this day, they’re still waiting for a resolution.
Low-wage workers are consistently denied proper payment—some paid less than minimum wage, and some not compensated for overtime—a new study found. 68% of workers interviewed in New York, Los Angeles and Chicago reported a pay-related violation in the previous week.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported a 17% drop in Hispanic fatalities between 2008 and the year before, from 937 to 774 deaths.